The main focus of the National Association for Female Correctional Officers is to enact laws that would assist in the prevention of the rape and sexual assault of female correctional officers. Specific measures that the organization want passed include a zero-tolerance policy for rape and assault of female prison workers, making prevention a top priority in all prison systems, develop national standards for dealing with and preventing these acts of rape and sexual assault, requiring prosecution for these acts (and federal grants to do so), and federal grants to improve safety conditions for female prison workers.
These issues differ from Britton's closing recommendations for the betterment of the prison system as far as female treatment and perception is concerned. Britton recommends that "if our goal is the creation of less oppressively gendered organizational environments" (p. 225), then realistic stories of women's lives in prison need to receive more mainstream portrayal in media. This means that images of intense violence, corrupt guards and animal-like inmates must be tempered in favor of the truth. This will lead to less sensationalizing of prison life, and will assist in promoting equality of women working in prisons. Britton also notes that training specific to either male or female inmates is necessary for preparing officers for their positions because male and female inmates are different, and should be treated as such. Britton agrees with the National Association for Female Correctional Officers in that "sexual harassment remain[s] [an] obstacle(s) and should be more aggressively addressed, but does not recommend legislation or go into specific details.
Saturday, November 7, 2009
20: Interaction with Co-workers, Supervisors and Job Satisfaction: Part II
The Phoenix Magazine coverage of the hostage crisis at Lewis Prison in 2004 relates to Britton’s study in that the correctional officers who were in the prison received training that was not uniform in its delivery, and nobody knew how to properly avert or handle a hostage crisis.
According to Britton, a total institution is a place in which people live their entire lives. Specific to prison as a total institution, the inhabitants are there involuntarily, and thereby hostile and uncooperative, inhabitants desire subversion, and corrections officers are put into total control of the inhabitants’ lives.
Britton recommends in closing that prisons give corrections officers uniform and specified training based on what type of inmates they are projected to work with. If the officers in the Lewis Prison hostage situation had received thorough, specified and actual training on how to handle their prison and their inmates, then they would have been equipped to, at the very least, deal with the situation, if not prevent it from occurring altogether.
According to Britton, a total institution is a place in which people live their entire lives. Specific to prison as a total institution, the inhabitants are there involuntarily, and thereby hostile and uncooperative, inhabitants desire subversion, and corrections officers are put into total control of the inhabitants’ lives.
Britton recommends in closing that prisons give corrections officers uniform and specified training based on what type of inmates they are projected to work with. If the officers in the Lewis Prison hostage situation had received thorough, specified and actual training on how to handle their prison and their inmates, then they would have been equipped to, at the very least, deal with the situation, if not prevent it from occurring altogether.
19: Interaction with Co-workers, Supervisors and Job Satisfaction: Part I
In Geena Davis's speech at the National Conference for Media Reform, she discusses how much influence the media's depictions have on individuals' everyday lives. Her films that have empowered women, like "A League of Their Own" and "Thelma and Louise," are exceptions to the general rules of women being overall passive and not well-rounded, thereby very flat, characters. Davis points out how strong children can be influenced by the media, particularly in programming for young children. Classic and current cartoons, Davis notes, show a major imbalance between male and female characters, with men in dominating, powerful roles, and women as subservient beings whose chief value is their appearance.
These ideas are planted at childhood, and stick with people throughout their adult lives. This means that these stereotypes are fated to be carried into the workplace, and replicate the notion that women are a second-class gender of sorts. Because these female stereotypes are accepted and distributed via the mainstream media, they are ingrained in every person who has been exposed to American media. This means that men will continue to think that women are unable to deal with the same levels of stress, work and high-pressure situations. This is reflected in Britton's findings that male corrections officers are likely to believe that their female counterparts cannot handle violent situations, and thereby should be delegated easier, more clerical assignments.
These ideas are planted at childhood, and stick with people throughout their adult lives. This means that these stereotypes are fated to be carried into the workplace, and replicate the notion that women are a second-class gender of sorts. Because these female stereotypes are accepted and distributed via the mainstream media, they are ingrained in every person who has been exposed to American media. This means that men will continue to think that women are unable to deal with the same levels of stress, work and high-pressure situations. This is reflected in Britton's findings that male corrections officers are likely to believe that their female counterparts cannot handle violent situations, and thereby should be delegated easier, more clerical assignments.
Friday, November 6, 2009
18: Working with Inmates: Part III
Britton argues that the norm in prisons becomes masculine when institutions attempt to establish gender-neutral policies and practices. The greatest contributor to this occurrence is on-the-job training which reinforces this norm, and construct correctional work as a gendered occupation. Britton only spoke with officers who had been formally trained for the purpose of her study, and found that training does not differ for males and females working toward the same job roles. Training may consist of handgun use, self-defense work, strategies for handling inmates, testing one's knowledge of general rules and one's physical abilities. Much of the training was hands-on and came from officers who were on the job. Inmates also served to assist in new officers learning the proverbial ropes. Women and men likely go into their jobs with the expectation that they will be much more violent than they end up being, due to storytelling from veteran officers during training.
These stories only make the job seem more masculine because they revolve around acts of violence and strength. When training both males and females, because the program is standardized, prison almost always means a reference to a male prison. Things like sexual harassment are not discussed in training because it is targeted towards the learning of the majority, which is to say it is targeted towards men. Men do not necessarily know how to prepare women for working in women's prisons, because they have no experience doing so. An interesting difference between men's and women's prisons is how much more lax women's prisons can be with allowing inmates to have potentially violent objects. However, male inmates were said to be the preferred inmates for correctional officers because they do not have emotional outbursts as women do, and thereby are more sensible for management. This preference is a reflection of how female officers are trained: to cater to male prisoners and not female. Training is for combating violence, not emotionality.
These stories only make the job seem more masculine because they revolve around acts of violence and strength. When training both males and females, because the program is standardized, prison almost always means a reference to a male prison. Things like sexual harassment are not discussed in training because it is targeted towards the learning of the majority, which is to say it is targeted towards men. Men do not necessarily know how to prepare women for working in women's prisons, because they have no experience doing so. An interesting difference between men's and women's prisons is how much more lax women's prisons can be with allowing inmates to have potentially violent objects. However, male inmates were said to be the preferred inmates for correctional officers because they do not have emotional outbursts as women do, and thereby are more sensible for management. This preference is a reflection of how female officers are trained: to cater to male prisoners and not female. Training is for combating violence, not emotionality.
17: Working with Inmates: Part II
A striking difference between Britton's findings and the NBC documentary, Lockup - Inside North Carolina Women's Prison, is that of Britton's assertion that the "Dirty Harriet" prototype is not seen in media portrayals. However, the documentary shows almost exclusively this type of macho, tough female officer. Additionally, Britton definitely downplayed the possible dangers and uncomfortable, unstable environment a prison can be to work within. This is illustrated particularly through the documentary's presentation of female corrections officers interacting with disrespectful male prisoners, who view the women as sexual objects despite their authoritative powers over the prisoners. Britton contended that women in her study felt safer working in male prisons than they did working on the streets of a major city. Another dissimilarity between Britton and the documentary is the portrayal of who is in the prison: the majority of inmates seem to be white women, while the majority of correctional officers appear to be minorities. Britton acknowledges a symbiotic relationship between inmates and officers, that is not evident in the documentary, where the two groups appear very separate.
A similarity between the two works is the evidence of reverse subordination. Reverse subordination, in this setting, is the resentment of male prisoners toward female corrections officers. It is sometimes seen as a reversal of natural order when a woman has authority over a man, and this can lead to male prisoners acting out in various inappropriate fashions. While it can be challenging for female officers to regain control of a situation, they are the authority figures and ultimately have control.
From an officer's standpoint, building relationships with the inmates can present definite dangers for the officer. In the documentary, incarcerated women discussed how they had effectively extorted officers after having some type of likely sexual encounter in order to gain power within the prison hierarchy.
Some essentialized assumptions the correctional officers employed regarding the inmates, in the documentary, include that they are unstable, do not have good intentions, and, at the end of the day, are still violators of the law. Inmates must be viewed as unstable, or, at least, needing to be guided and ruled over, because otherwise the lines between those in charge and those who are being punished are too blurry. There must be an "us versus them" mentality embraced by officers, that allows for distance between the parties. Officers assume that inmates have bad intentions, and that varies from meaning violent to sexual. One man, a convicted murderer, compared the female corrections officers to delicious steaks that he could not eat, in the CBS news story on female corrections officers.
In Britton's study, she found that female correctional officers had two predominant perceptions of inmates. The first was that inmates have obviously made mistakes, but ultimately they are humans. The preconceived notion that inmates are animals is washed away when officers start work, after training. The second perception was that inmates are too pampered and catered to.
An issue unique to African American and Latino officers is having to deal with their notions of racism within the prison system. There is a difficulty in working within a system that imprisons a greater number of the minority group with which one associates herself. Britton discusses what is called a "double consciousness," which means having an understanding of how the system views inmates (as negative beings or antagonists to the protagonist role of the officers), in addition to an understanding of her personal perspective on racism and experiences with it. It seems that minority officers tend to adopt the "language of the overseer," which means that they leave behind their racial background when engaging in their work. It is an assimilation to a presumably white male culture that prevents the officer from appearing to be an "other." This language also serves to separate an officer from inmates, maintain authority and focus on work rather than identifying with inmates due to possible background similarities, whether real or perceived.
Correctional officers often employ a motherly role in working with inmates. This allows women to diffuse situations, while not being particularly threatening, but also maintaining a familiar sense of authority. This role assumption serves as social control because it forces inmates into the role of children who are required to obey, and know that they will receive punishment if they fail to do so. This allows inmates to continue to be human, but unequal.
A similarity between the two works is the evidence of reverse subordination. Reverse subordination, in this setting, is the resentment of male prisoners toward female corrections officers. It is sometimes seen as a reversal of natural order when a woman has authority over a man, and this can lead to male prisoners acting out in various inappropriate fashions. While it can be challenging for female officers to regain control of a situation, they are the authority figures and ultimately have control.
From an officer's standpoint, building relationships with the inmates can present definite dangers for the officer. In the documentary, incarcerated women discussed how they had effectively extorted officers after having some type of likely sexual encounter in order to gain power within the prison hierarchy.
Some essentialized assumptions the correctional officers employed regarding the inmates, in the documentary, include that they are unstable, do not have good intentions, and, at the end of the day, are still violators of the law. Inmates must be viewed as unstable, or, at least, needing to be guided and ruled over, because otherwise the lines between those in charge and those who are being punished are too blurry. There must be an "us versus them" mentality embraced by officers, that allows for distance between the parties. Officers assume that inmates have bad intentions, and that varies from meaning violent to sexual. One man, a convicted murderer, compared the female corrections officers to delicious steaks that he could not eat, in the CBS news story on female corrections officers.
In Britton's study, she found that female correctional officers had two predominant perceptions of inmates. The first was that inmates have obviously made mistakes, but ultimately they are humans. The preconceived notion that inmates are animals is washed away when officers start work, after training. The second perception was that inmates are too pampered and catered to.
An issue unique to African American and Latino officers is having to deal with their notions of racism within the prison system. There is a difficulty in working within a system that imprisons a greater number of the minority group with which one associates herself. Britton discusses what is called a "double consciousness," which means having an understanding of how the system views inmates (as negative beings or antagonists to the protagonist role of the officers), in addition to an understanding of her personal perspective on racism and experiences with it. It seems that minority officers tend to adopt the "language of the overseer," which means that they leave behind their racial background when engaging in their work. It is an assimilation to a presumably white male culture that prevents the officer from appearing to be an "other." This language also serves to separate an officer from inmates, maintain authority and focus on work rather than identifying with inmates due to possible background similarities, whether real or perceived.
Correctional officers often employ a motherly role in working with inmates. This allows women to diffuse situations, while not being particularly threatening, but also maintaining a familiar sense of authority. This role assumption serves as social control because it forces inmates into the role of children who are required to obey, and know that they will receive punishment if they fail to do so. This allows inmates to continue to be human, but unequal.
Thursday, November 5, 2009
16: Working with Inmates: Part I
Britton’s study discusses the pathways to becoming a correctional officer. In this blog, write about how that path gendered. For instance, what is the relationship between previous work experience and becoming a correctional officer? Is it the same for men and women? What role do social networks play in job opportunities and how are they gendered? What motivates men and women to become correctional officers?
The path to becoming a correctional officer is gendered in that men dominate the field, therefore it is a non-traditional field laden with more obstacles than, say, becoming a teacher or nurse. Because men have run the system since the beginning, dominate the authority positions as well as the cells.
The relationship between previous work experience and becoming a correctional officer can either totally hinder or completely foster the position. Britton notes that while demand for correctional officers is high, it is often viewed as a last resort profession, due to the harsh environment and mediocre pay. This pay level makes the position less attractive to men, and more attractive to women and minorities. This has resulted in more women and minorities taking up the roles. This results in men still remaining in more authoritative positions, and women remain lower on the totem pole. Men who pursue prison work typically begin their careers in the military, while women mostly begin with clerical work or service jobs.
Social networks play a leading role in job opportunities, as they determine who is placed where. This attitude and function is a result of the boys' club attitude that prevails in the hierarchy of men's institutions. This is not to say that women to not experience that same type of hierarchy, however it is favored toward men because they have been integral to the system longer. To become a correctional officer the motivation of men and the motivation for women differs. Men generally pursue the field of corrections as a gateway to becoming a police officer.
The path to becoming a correctional officer is gendered in that men dominate the field, therefore it is a non-traditional field laden with more obstacles than, say, becoming a teacher or nurse. Because men have run the system since the beginning, dominate the authority positions as well as the cells.
The relationship between previous work experience and becoming a correctional officer can either totally hinder or completely foster the position. Britton notes that while demand for correctional officers is high, it is often viewed as a last resort profession, due to the harsh environment and mediocre pay. This pay level makes the position less attractive to men, and more attractive to women and minorities. This has resulted in more women and minorities taking up the roles. This results in men still remaining in more authoritative positions, and women remain lower on the totem pole. Men who pursue prison work typically begin their careers in the military, while women mostly begin with clerical work or service jobs.
Social networks play a leading role in job opportunities, as they determine who is placed where. This attitude and function is a result of the boys' club attitude that prevails in the hierarchy of men's institutions. This is not to say that women to not experience that same type of hierarchy, however it is favored toward men because they have been integral to the system longer. To become a correctional officer the motivation of men and the motivation for women differs. Men generally pursue the field of corrections as a gateway to becoming a police officer.
15: Engendering Prisons and History of Women Guards: Part II
Women's prison populations began booming in the past 25 years, and their growth has continued to unprecedented and unexpected numbers. This has resulted in lower standards in female prisons, and thereby more instances of illness and deaths due to illness. This is the result of women not being perceived as possibly violent, but as naturally idle, sweet beings. Work done in male and female prisons is While men's prisons have employed men for hard labor and harsh punishment. Conversely, women have been charged with distinctly "womanly" labor: sewing, cleaning and cooking, namely.
14: Engendering Prisons and History of Women Guards: Part I
The theory of gendered organization purports that organizations are not neutral organisms, but have definite identities. These identities give attributes to members of the organization, and play on already present assumptions and roles that are assigned to specific types of people in society and then serves to perpetuate them.
Britton uses this theory to frame her research question in asking how prisons continue to detect and then reproduce gender through their structure, practices, and policies. She is asking why and how women continue to hold lower positions on the proverbial totem pole, while men continue to hold positions of ultimate power and authority in institutions, particularly prisons.
Structure, agency and culture are all interlinked in the ongoing processes of organization gendering. This happens through the rewarding of workers who can take on more shift work, often at hours that are nonstandard, meaning that women who have children cannot do things like pick them up from school or perhaps spend time with them at all. Better, more standard, shifts are designated to workers with seniority, because they have earned their dues. This leaves those same women in an impossible situation: they must start at the bottom, and if they cannot meet the odd structure found there, they cannot be promoted and thereby either remain in menial positions or none at all. That completely exemplifies what Britton meant when stating that "organizations are gendered at the level of structure," (p. 7). Men have the capacity to excel in a prison environment, and women, by and large, do not. Finally, women, either in making their own gendered choices or falling subject to the stereotyping of others, tend to take on work that is considered more feminine. This means women work in cleaning and cooking, which are fields where there is no real authority.
When Britton stated that "organizations are gendered at the level of structure" (p. 7), she meant that
Both public and private spheres become gendered concepts by
These are reflected in labor history, labor practices and labor law via
Britton uses this theory to frame her research question in asking how prisons continue to detect and then reproduce gender through their structure, practices, and policies. She is asking why and how women continue to hold lower positions on the proverbial totem pole, while men continue to hold positions of ultimate power and authority in institutions, particularly prisons.
Structure, agency and culture are all interlinked in the ongoing processes of organization gendering. This happens through the rewarding of workers who can take on more shift work, often at hours that are nonstandard, meaning that women who have children cannot do things like pick them up from school or perhaps spend time with them at all. Better, more standard, shifts are designated to workers with seniority, because they have earned their dues. This leaves those same women in an impossible situation: they must start at the bottom, and if they cannot meet the odd structure found there, they cannot be promoted and thereby either remain in menial positions or none at all. That completely exemplifies what Britton meant when stating that "organizations are gendered at the level of structure," (p. 7). Men have the capacity to excel in a prison environment, and women, by and large, do not. Finally, women, either in making their own gendered choices or falling subject to the stereotyping of others, tend to take on work that is considered more feminine. This means women work in cleaning and cooking, which are fields where there is no real authority.
When Britton stated that "organizations are gendered at the level of structure" (p. 7), she meant that
Both public and private spheres become gendered concepts by
These are reflected in labor history, labor practices and labor law via
Wednesday, November 4, 2009
13: Women in Non-Traditional Jobs: Part II
Images of prison guards and correctional officers that are popularized in the media usually are sexualized and minimize the actual responsibility and power of women in those non-traditional roles. These women are either portrayed as extremely feminine, and desiring sex constantly, or extremely masculine, and uninterested in anything sexual. This is combined with another notion: that women are not naturally attuned to the violence that is inherent to men. Because "normal" women are not violent in nature, these women in prisons are seen as a sort of freakish anomaly. This leaves women as either sexual objects, asexual objects, or monsters.
These notions are a stark contrast to how women in non-traditional roles are portrayed in promotional and recruitment videos. The “Women at Work” recruitment video portrays women in non-traditional fields such as aviation, automotive mechanics, drafting, construction. There is a mix of very feminine and slightly masculine women. Women are in power, taking action, and, interestingly, the only male voice in the piece is the narrator. This note is reflected in the real-life continued domination of males in these fields. If a man was not speaking as the ultimate authority, the video might be less effective in persuading females to pursue jobs that men dominate. It’s a voice of permission, allowing women to want to try their hands at new and typically male careers.
The images portrayed of men as correctional officers in male prisons are usually intensely violent. Additionally, men's prisons are generally a gender segregated and not welcoming to women taking on authoritative positions within them. Conversely, men taking on authoritative positions in women’s prisons tend to be welcomed with open arms. This sexism within male institutions is a result of men feeling threatened by women coming into fields that are not gender typical, and infiltrating what had been a boys’ club. Women probably tend to be more welcoming to men in female institutions because men are more likely to be viewed as experts in the field of corrections, because they have dominated the field over more time.
These notions are a stark contrast to how women in non-traditional roles are portrayed in promotional and recruitment videos. The “Women at Work” recruitment video portrays women in non-traditional fields such as aviation, automotive mechanics, drafting, construction. There is a mix of very feminine and slightly masculine women. Women are in power, taking action, and, interestingly, the only male voice in the piece is the narrator. This note is reflected in the real-life continued domination of males in these fields. If a man was not speaking as the ultimate authority, the video might be less effective in persuading females to pursue jobs that men dominate. It’s a voice of permission, allowing women to want to try their hands at new and typically male careers.
The images portrayed of men as correctional officers in male prisons are usually intensely violent. Additionally, men's prisons are generally a gender segregated and not welcoming to women taking on authoritative positions within them. Conversely, men taking on authoritative positions in women’s prisons tend to be welcomed with open arms. This sexism within male institutions is a result of men feeling threatened by women coming into fields that are not gender typical, and infiltrating what had been a boys’ club. Women probably tend to be more welcoming to men in female institutions because men are more likely to be viewed as experts in the field of corrections, because they have dominated the field over more time.
Monday, November 2, 2009
12: Women in Non-Traditional Jobs: Part I
Occupational segregation exists because society classifies professions by gender. This gender socialization leads members of different genders to gravitate towards certain types of professions. For example, women are socialized for working in more emotional fields like teaching, while men are socialized for working in more powerful fields like police work.
This is also tied in with the differing expectations for women and men as far as family roles go. While women can hold traditional nine-to-five jobs, they are generally not associated with jobs that have odd hours or require more masculine traits like police officer, security guard or prison worker. Odd hours equate to the inability to be what society sees as a proper mother, but they also are responsible for a the wage gap that is evident between male and female positions. The ability to work longer, later hours means more money, promotions, and a higher profile job within a field. The notion of a balancing act that women must take on in order to succeed at work and still remain a good mother is not reflected to the same dramatic extent on the male side.
Women gain multiple advantages when breaking into traditionally male-dominated careers. Because these fields are not largely populated by women there are sometimes fiscal benefits to pursing these fields. For instance, to study particular topics in a college setting, women can receive scholarships merely for their gender. This can assist in diversifying a workplace, or school environment, and encourage equality between males and females where it was previously not present. Additionally, pursuing a non-traditional field can be empowering.
Men absolutely benefit from women entering male-dominated professions because it forces them to take in new ideas, see jobs from a different perspective and, possibly, discover a newfound respect for women.
This is also tied in with the differing expectations for women and men as far as family roles go. While women can hold traditional nine-to-five jobs, they are generally not associated with jobs that have odd hours or require more masculine traits like police officer, security guard or prison worker. Odd hours equate to the inability to be what society sees as a proper mother, but they also are responsible for a the wage gap that is evident between male and female positions. The ability to work longer, later hours means more money, promotions, and a higher profile job within a field. The notion of a balancing act that women must take on in order to succeed at work and still remain a good mother is not reflected to the same dramatic extent on the male side.
Women gain multiple advantages when breaking into traditionally male-dominated careers. Because these fields are not largely populated by women there are sometimes fiscal benefits to pursing these fields. For instance, to study particular topics in a college setting, women can receive scholarships merely for their gender. This can assist in diversifying a workplace, or school environment, and encourage equality between males and females where it was previously not present. Additionally, pursuing a non-traditional field can be empowering.
Men absolutely benefit from women entering male-dominated professions because it forces them to take in new ideas, see jobs from a different perspective and, possibly, discover a newfound respect for women.
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